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These men were in turn governed by a King or potestas baracteriorum who was not necessarily a broker or swindler himself; see the article on this official by F. Smoking nowadays is extremely common, however, once upon a time it was only for those of high Prostitutes Ivrea in the community and class.

Inthe contemporary Matteo Villani tells us, the government of Florence tried to determine why the Florentines celebrated the feast of S. Reparata, the titulary of their cathedral, and why a foot race was run on her day.

The government answered Prostitutes Ivrea first question by referring to the chronicle of Matteo's father Giovanni, who told how Radagasio the Goth had been defeated on Reparata's day by the Florentines in alliance with the emperor But why did a mere footrace commemorate this victory? Had perhaps the victory itself been won by foot soldiers?

Villani, rightly Prostitutes Ivrea this idea; rather, the chronicler's answer was naivete itself. A Prostitutes Ivrea race Prostitutes Ivrea been instituted because "our ancestors were not Prostitutes Ivrea rich in those times". Now, he continued, the city set things Prostitutes Ivrea. It increased the value of the prize palio and replaced the pedestrian Prostitutes Ivrea with an Prostitutes Ivrea contest "so as to renew the said memory" This moment in is something of a watershed in the history of civic festivities, but the more important because it approached the date when insult races in the field would disappear from the sources.

For we shall see that several Italian commemorative races established before were run on foot, even when the victories they celebrated had been won by knights, while apparently all Italian palios established after Prostitutes Ivrea time to commemorate either foot or equestrian victories were horse races.

Doubtless, the horse races of the later period are less relevant to our inquiry. Their supremacy as modes of commemoration in the Renaissance witnessed the increasingly aristocratic character of those societies, ones whose citizens rarely participated in the victories they vaunted. But all the festive races of the early period deserve close attention because they were formative acts of civil memory and identity in an age when youth, ribalds, and prostitutes actually helped make that civil iden.

It is in this period that one finds the insults of war and society most naively linked. Let us review the evidence for races in Italian towns during these formative centuries, beginning with equestrian contests. We know Prostitutes Ivrea about early marketing races, a type documented in England by 1 1 73 88 ; Italian sources of the time mention only festive ones, though fairs and feste commonly overlapped.

The oldest known are those staged in twelfth-century Pisa. They had prizes provided by a private individual whose liberality was lauded in otherwise forgettable verse The first reference to the Sienese Palio emerges a century later : a Prostitutes Ivrea document shows the communal government regulating what was apparently a civic race, since it sentenced a rider or owner who, though he came in last, refused to publicly accept the insulting Prostitutes Ivrea of a pig which that placement required Thus in the earliest known civic Palio, honorable riders were dishonored if they came in last.

Well beforeProstitutes Ivrea we begin to find mounted men insulting enemies in the field, they were being insulted in the city and resenting it. Soon afterwards, town laws regulating these Prostitutes Ivrea start to appear. A Paduan law of or a Veronese law predating holds right of place, and they are soon followed by a Ferrarese statute of and innumerable laws and statutes thereafter In general, these laws prescribe procedures for registering for the races and their dates and times.

They warn the racers not to go outside the established courses, and prohibit obstacles being put in the way by racers or bystanders Finally, they spell out the prizes, occasionally describing the bestowal of the last- place prize in such a way as to show that it remained an occasion for ridicule, in one case until the Prostitutes Ivrea of the fourteenth century Like some non-equestrian races, the Palios could still be run outside town, the finish line being at some point in the city or at a gate.

But the Prostitutes Ivrea was toward running them within and across the city.

The courses were almost uniformly linear rather than circular Surprisingly, foot races seem to have been communally regulated as early as were horse races in Italy : the Veronese law referred to above, for example, ordains a foot race along with the horse race. For while the winner of the foot race obviously received a Prostitutes Ivrea prize than did the equestrian victor - a collective insult to those who went on foot, to be sure - its loser received a personally insulting prize, a cock, as did his equestrian counterpart a pig or side of ham.

The Prostitutes Ivrea of poultry Prostitutes Ivrea a pedestrian Prostitutes Ivrea certainly might outweigh any symbolic humiliation, although Boccaccio had heard that the shaming that accompanied Prostitutes Ivrea was so great as to dissuade all but the most confident from entering But what. By the Prostitutes Ivrea century most evidence of insulting last-place Prostitutes Ivrea for the domestic horse racers had vanished.

For their part none of the insulting Prostitutes Ivrea in the field left evidence of such losers' prizes having been bestowed before they too disappear Prostitutes Ivrea the sources after Excavating these comparabilities between early mounted and foot contests is especially important because a later age, beginning with Matteo Villani, wanted to remember a different past when communes might Prostitutes Ivrea been poor - and thus ran foot races to celebrate victories - but were always decent.

Thus just as later historians with dubious accuracy traced horse races back to victories, so the Veronese footrace would be explained as commemorating an equestrian victory ofand a male foot race in Bologna allegedly harkened back to a victory over Faenza in Worthy commemorations of poor but decent young communes were one thing, the historical reality was something else, and it furnishes us a last Prostitutes Ivrea between early foot and equestrian races in the city.

Unhappily for Villani, the Florentine record shows that his undoubtedly opulent Prostitutes Ivrea had instituted Prostitutes Ivrea lowly foot race to commemorate its most glorious equestrian triumph, the victory at Campaldino on the feast of S.

Barnaba in ; so we must surmise from Prostitutes Ivrea fact that such a race was in place just 36 years later. This is the more striking because the most aristocratic group in the city, the Parte Guelfa, claimed that victory and the saint as its own Probably some of the early festive Palios men. But the Florentine victory celebration for Campaldino is one of the earliest we can rely on to have done so, and it was run on foot. The fact is that both horse and foot races were thought to suitably commemorate equestrian as well as pedestrian victories.

The odds are that in these early commemorations as well as in the early festive races whose commemorative character is uncertain, not only losers of foot races, but those who failed equestrian contests, were insulted. The comparable antiquity, prizes, and commemorative functions of horse and foot races in the thirteenth century raise a serious problem of interpretation given the undoubted antipedestrian social prejudice of this age as well as later ones.

What stands in the way of comprehending this comparability, I submit, is the nature of what was being remembered. Prostitutes Ivrea examining that question in detail, let me state my hypothesis. Some Prostitutes Ivrea races aped not Prostitutes Ivrea battle that ended in victory but insulting military theatre, one performed, we recall, by marginal social groups in incursions and sieges that usually did not end in victory over an opposing army and thus were not formally commemorated by festivities.

Even after the demise of insult theatres in the field, this hypothesis argues, horse, foot, and other types of festive races continued to insult both the foreign enemy and the marginal social groups who themselves had insulted the military enemy in the field.

The stage was the city, but the goal remained the control of all enemies of civic regimes. Two facts link together field and piazza in this argument. First, the festive races of the Italian cities commemorated past victories over both foreign and domestic enemies. Second, they celebrated past and future victories over both those political factions and over the young, over women, and over the poor.

At first glance, the fabled Palios of the Renaissance seem to prove that honor is possible without insult irrespective of what the races commemorated. If our narratives are any guide, the insulting prizes for last place are gone, and the traditional practice of trying to impede the racers has vanished. Internally, such races seem models of probity, indeed their competitive character is increasingly compromised as first one and then another ruler strive to make their shows " more decent " : when races were not "fixed" so as to honor particular persons, the winner Prostitutes Ivrea "spontaneously" offer his prize to an honorable person anyway As was evident in the increasingly elaborate parades that preceded them, some Palios Prostitutes Ivrea become pompous international displays in which each great lord insisted that his horse and colors be fittingly marched through the streets.

Goro Dati's famous account of Florence's San Giovanni Palio about leaves no doubt that the crowds loved this proper display so seemingly devoid of vituperation". Nevertheless, Renaissance Palios continued to insult so as to create honor. Let us leave to one side the outrightly burlesque horse races funded by communes like Florence, in which old nags were whipped through the streets perhaps to celebrate a military victory in Prostitutes Ivrea field or the expulsion of a tyrant at home; their documentation Prostitutes Ivrea weak and their international relevance uncertain We need only examine the most renowned Palios of undisputed international character to see that they continued to bear, and to generate, the baggage of insult.

Since I have studied the Prostitutes Ivrea for this Prostitutes Ivrea extensively in previous work, it is enough here to make two general points, Prostitutes Ivrea first regarding commemoration.

The Palios that were instituted from the beginning to the end of our period to commemorate victories commemorated defeats as well, as the trophies and offerings of subject cities during these festivities demonstrate Yet history regularly became hostage to changing realities and "perpetual memories" had to be altered because of new Prostitutes Ivrea.

Thus Siena stopped celebrating its defeat of Florence when it. Prostitutes Ivrea the extent Prostitutes Ivrea a city's self -identity was bound up in its military victories, therefore, Prostitutes Ivrea was constantly Prostitutes Ivrea deconstructed. Second, these commemorative Palios like any other that attracted international visitors gave offense to some of them because of the necessity of precedential arrangements in the parades and the potential for failure in the races themselves Representing one's friends also showed one's enemies; ordering the former for display showed who was the greater and Prostitutes Ivrea friend.

It had been true in the military Palios of the field in an earlier time ; it remained true in the spectacles of the Renaissance. Together, historical associations and contemporary diplomatic considerations meant that the Palios never lost the derisive quality that was the structural frame for the honors they offered.

This fact is doubly important because of the domestic motivations for Palios. Perhaps in the old days these annual races Prostitutes Ivrea provided one Prostitutes Ivrea of assuaging the hatreds generated by Prostitutes Ivrea conflicts, but what is sure is that governments sometimes instituted palios to perpetually commemorate victories over domestic enemies.

These races remained political because the enemy remained within. According to the Paduan tradition, for example, one of that city's Palios was instituted to commemorate the "election" of Giacomo the Great della Carrara.

Prostitutes Ivrea is, the feast commemorated the humiliation of his opponents In Siena as well, the regime in began an annual Palio to commemorate its suppression of a Salimbeni conspiracy The practice lasted. Some commemorative horse races evidently combined diplomatic Prostitutes Ivrea domestic motifs. This could be true both by way of their institutions - as when Florence's commemoration of the expulsion of its French tyrant Walter of Brienne angered the house of France and the pope - and by way of their ongoing execution, which annually Prostitutes Ivrea that Florentine faction that had sided with Brienne and now had to watch The horse race was not the Prostitutes Ivrea means of perpetually insulting civic enemies, to be sure, but it is an especially significant one.

If a fundamental characteristic of any military or domestic race is to delegitimate anyone else's right to space during its course, a horse race in city streets does so in a particularly aggressive and almost irresistible fashion. The burlesque commemoration of the expulsion of the Duke of Athens from Florence in also expressly remembered the fact that the "good men" had at the same time suppressed the "bad men" of the lower classes and the youth of good family who had sided with Brienne Again ina Florentine regime established Prostitutes Ivrea days, if not a Palio, to commemorate the suppression of the Ciompi wool carders four years before The evidence of Palios instituted for this purpose obviously is sketcy and will have to be hardened by further research.

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Yet in any case, strife with Prostitutes Ivrea groups in cities was as much structural and futuristic as it was historical in character. While one could define a buon comune as a political class at peace with itself and its neighbors, the idea of buon comune also Prostitutes Ivrea that the political males. Now Prostitutes Ivrea fourteenth-century cities at war used representatives of this age group, sex, and lower class their youth, the prostitutes, and the ribalds to express their despisal of foreign antagonists, it is not surprising that they used their civic festivals to express their hatred and fear of both types of opponents.

On closer examination, the symmetry will prove impressive : especially the ribalds and prostitutes who in Prostitutes Ivrea field proved important to creating honor for the civic fathers will, in the festival, increase the latters' honor through their infame behavior.

Correre la terra. Collective insults in the late Middle Ages - Persée

In the histories of Prostitutes Ivrea medieval and early modern festive races, Pope Paul II 's important decree of establishing a cycle of seven races for Rome has taken on a constitutive character that is easily exaggerated.

All of the races Prostitutes Ivrea indeed the festive package as a whole had significant precedents in Italy when not in Rome itself, and we shall review them in the following pages.

Further, this decree tells us nothing about the motivation informing the different races, and ridicule was central : notoriously so to the races of the Jews and the elderly so capably studied by Mar- tine Boiteux, but perhaps no less marked in those meant for lower- class Christian Prostitutes Ivrea.

In Rome as elsewhere, these participants are often called "youth" or "women" in decrees but Prostitutes Ivrea ribalds and prostitutes in fact Like many such decrees, this one proves more interesting in the omission. Only by deduction, for example, can one determine that the group that did the ridiculing did not race : as actually executed, the four human races in the cycle had male participants up to thirty and beyond fifty years of age, but none, not even Jews, between those ages Finally, the decree does not hint at Prostitutes Ivrea domestic judicial use to which such.

Without any doubt, the Renaissance witnessed a growing formalization of public insult practices Prostitutes Ivrea festive life, Prostitutes Ivrea Paul II's decree is a part of that process. But we shall view these developments in their relation to that most acceptable form Prostitutes Ivrea justice, the violence that one used against foreign and domestic enemies.

The history of festive races by infame groups in cities begins inat almost the same point, that is, as do documents on insult races in general. In that year the authorities of Perigeaux provided "alms" for the "women" who took part in the race on the carnival feast of the Baco That these women were actually prostitutes is suggested by a similar caritative institution we encounter in Parma Prostitutes Ivrea Two neighborhoods in that town that wanted to represent a queen and the empress in street theatre recruited prostitutes for the roles.

They were promised dowries if they took on the tasks, and these were then raised at the offertory of a mass the bishop Prostitutes Ivrea for the neighbors Though this was theatre and not a race, the caritative theme Parma had in common with Perigeaux suggests that the French city's "women" were whores as well.

Giving alms to convert prostitutes may have been, after all, the most common form of public charity for women at this time.

The first firmly documented Italian race of the infame was already customary when it is mentioned in an Ivrean law of In this town as elsewhere the town prostitutes were supervised by a King of the Ribalds here also called the Prostitutes Ivrea meretricumchosen from among the town criers.

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This official had as his salary the receipts from all the fines levied on the prostitutes, and Prostitutes Ivrea that income he was Prostitutes Ivrea each Prostitutes Ivrea to buy a mazena or tnezena a drinking bowl? According to a later statute, a second race of prostitutes was run on the feast Prostitutes Ivrea the Assumption August 15one done alongside a race of pimps and ribalds The earliest Prostitutes Ivrea account of such races is from Pavia in the following year ; it and the Ivrean race, it should be noted, are thus contemporary to the earliest accounts of prostitutes racing in military campaigns.

The Pavian chronicler notes that the citizens of that town held a horse race each Prostitutes Ivrea to honor the city's ancient patron, S. Siri, and that in conjunction with the horse race the town held foot races involving " ribalds and public women" Thus the earliest Italian evidence for races of the infame shows both groups of marginals racing for the delectation of the citizens, the females being supervised by their judge, the King of the Ribalds.

This chronicler does not say that a victory was also commemorated, but Prostitutes Ivrea celebration of a patron saint required no less "decent" a representation. Thus it is certainly interesting to find ribalds and prostitutes running Prostitutes Ivrea on the saint's day at the same time others of them honored the communes where they resided by running insult races against enemies in the field, and these ribaldic domestic races are the more interesting because we now know that foot races were used at the time to commemorate equestrian military victories.

Does any contemporary Prostitutes Ivrea actually say that the ribalds or prostitutes, who in civic festivities always seem to have raced on foot and not mounted, did so to honor a saint or a victory?

To the contrary : both. It is precisely that Prostitutes Ivrea that is the key to unlocking the problem of the infame honoring the Prostitutes Ivrea in an age of anti-pedestrian bias. We have seen that official sources commonly describe races that were actually Prostitutes Ivrea by the infame as being those of the "women" and "youth", as if, in an ideal world, all the "decent" residents of a town, including those on foot, would contribute to thanking the divinities.

Yet in the world as it actually was only the infame stepped forward to represent those " decent " pedestrians. What Matteo Villani had not been willing to say was that the foot race that honored the equestrian victory of Campaldino was Prostitutes Ivrea run by what he considered the dregs of society. Perhaps in Florence, but certainly in Pavia to the discomfort of its chronicler, ribalds and prostitutes celebrated the city before the saint in the same form that they did Prostitutes Ivrea the field in insulting the nemy.

Saintly patrons loved to be avenged, whatever the sensibilities of status-conscious reporters. The tell-tale sign is the replication in the city of a cycle of formal insults used in warfare, and vice versa. The formal insult races of war ended aroundbut their performances continued in the Renaissance city, in a period, that is, when these cities' residents Prostitutes Ivrea military life to mercenaries. Contemporary to the earliest appearance of prostitute races in Vienna, the first documented race of prostitutes in that festive capital of Renaissance Italy, Prostitutes Ivrea, is documented in In Giangaleazzo Prostitutes Ivrea added a race per mulieres et pedester to the existing horse race and male foot race at Verona, suggesting Prostitutes Ivrea such a female race may already have been in place in Viscontean Milan These female races must have been humiliating from the Prostitutes Ivrea, for the authorities in both cities were soon protest.

The Veronese statute of said that prizes should go only to "decent women, even if there be but one of them" This represented a hilarious type of double "fixing", for when Prostitutes Ivrea "women" in this race were not prostitutes they were male transvestites Prostitutes Ivrea matter was little different in Ferrara, whose Palazzo Schifanoia was now frescoed with that city's festive cycle of mounted horse and ass as well as pedestrian races of Prostitutes Ivrea, elders, and prostitutes Pi.

Prostitutes Ivrea significance of these concerns is nowhere clearer than in the council debates of Brescia, whose citizens from enjoyed, but whose friars denounced, a bull run on the eve and a race of prostitutes on the feast of the Virgin's Assumption.

Clarity about the sexual character of such races was not new. Just three years before, in fact, a communal law suppressed the butchers' bull run on the Virgin's feast because it insulted her : " for bulls should be mated with cows, as the psalmist [and our law] says, not with virgins "! We need always look beneath or sources. As is well known, the Magdalene was the whores' patron saint. Thus the theme of Prostitutes Ivrea for prostitutes engaging in "shameful" festivities continued.

The intention of charity was not antithetical to that of public lasciviousness. Indeed to this day male brotherhoods raise money for the disadvantaged by sponsoring peep shows. Races of prostitutes were no stranger to the Papal States : in mid- fifteenth century Foligno such women raced for three Prostitutes Ivrea prizes of a practical nature on the patronal feast of Prostitutes Ivrea. Yet while the court of Pope Pius II patronized a cycle of races by nude boys and youth at its town of Pienza inneither here nor in Paul II's decree of does one Prostitutes Ivrea mention of a race of prostitutes.

Rome was latest, but it Prostitutes Ivrea not least in our review of women's races. I refer here Prostitutes Ivrea the public races of the sixteenth century, and not to the races of "decent prostitutes" or courtesans held in the papal apartments in In it was "customary" to run prostitute races that started at the pyramid of the Borgo and ended in St. Peter's square on December 29, and no later than prostitute competitions were part of the Pauline cycle of carnival races.

At that date first Jews, then children, then youth, and then the elderly ran nude, while the prostitutes raced in their underclothes The races Prostitutes Ivrea the papal apartments ofon the other hand. This chronology of festive races by marginal groups Prostitutes Ivrea opened up historical and psychological questions whose answers must await later research; the pressing questions of this paper are rather structural in nature.

It is clear, for Prostitutes Ivrea, that such insulting races continued for another century at least : Martine Boiteux traces the slow decline of Prostitutes Ivrea races of Jews and elderly at Rome, Prostitutes Ivrea the prostitutes of Prostitutes Ivrea were still running on Pentecost at the Prostitutes Ivrea of the sixteenth century and those of Padua still enlivened the feast of the Virgin's Assumption in In Germany the races are documented till the end of the seventeenth century, while the citizens of Lucerne continued them till the French Revolution But a proper history of such races remains to be written, and students even of the period I have surveyed will certainly find much more evidence.

The relative paucity of psychological information in my sources will discourage later psychohistorians, but has actually facilitated my structural approach. Doubtless attitudes toward public nudity in these races changed : in a rare personal account, Pius II described the nude male races of Pienza with no hint anyone was shamed, whereas eighteenth- century Prostitutes Ivrea women were said to be shamed by similar races But the sources for our period rarely penetrate Prostitutes Ivrea world of collective or individual feelings of festive shame.

They do insist that ribalds and prostitutes volunteered for the races rather than being constrained, but even if true, that tells us nothing about their shame : volunteers commonly do things perceived as Prostitutes Ivrea because they need the money, and constraint then and now does not imply shame nor an absence of enjoyment either for participants or audience.

Our concern Prostitutes Ivrea any case has been the phenomenon of races by legally infame social groups that were sponsored by civic authorities, ones in which patrons and audience intended to humiliate the participants by their dress or lack of it, and Prostitutes Ivrea the course of the race itself.

The most tangible aspect of these races were Prostitutes Ivrea cultural and social structures of diplomacy, generations, classes, and sexes operating in a dynamic political context. In surveying the theatre of military insults, that dynamism was particularly evident, for in the violence of Prostitutes Ivrea, marginal group activities actively mediated changes in the relations between cities.

Now we see Prostitutes Ivrea the Prostitutes Ivrea activities in the civic festivals assumed a similar function. The races of ribalds and prostitutes in the cities represented a continuation of Prostitutes Ivrea social war by other means.

Prostitutes Ivrea document can more vividly lead Prostitutes Ivrea a closer examination of the parameters of this war in the city than an Ivrean statute of early date Prostitutes Ivrea by Durando and dealing with women as a whole. According to it, a woman of this town who began Prostitutes Ivrea live badly ran the following risk : authorized by the government, the professional prostitutes and their King had the right to march to her house to the sound of bells and trombones, and then as a public example seize and Prostitutes Ivrea her to the brothel Echoes and sights of inverse military triumphs reverberate : the Pe- rugian prostitutes on their horses, those others on their Prostitutes Ivrea asses, mocking Prostitutes Ivrea male governors rendered female!

Now here in this quasi-festive Ivrean inversion, where brazen public prostitutes as police and judge inflicted an infame punishment on a proper woman, that woman, rendered ignoble by the insult, stood for all women as had conquered foreign governors. Conversely, in the world turned right side up the public prostitute in the city stood as a warning and example to all women as Prostitutes Ivrea raced and as she was punished : " ad conf usionem earum [meretricum], " a Brescian decree authorizing the prostitutes' race in said, " et bonarum mulierum exemplum Though dealing with social outcasts, this article glosses relations within civil society.

Festive races of ribalds and prostitutes, we have argued, replicated and commemorated similar military performances. Prostitutes Ivrea the following pages will show that the festive vocabulary Prostitutes Ivrea echoed the world of judicial Prostitutes Ivrea in the city.

Forcing the guilty to run nude through the streets and often beating them as they did so Prostitutes Ivrea a typical form of medieval punishment of the infame. Any contemporary man or woman watching Prostitutes Ivrea festive race of marginals would have seen it through eyes accustomed to the theatre of judicial punishment.

Looking outward to the military race, and laterally to civic judicial punishments, we see the violence against marginal groups in the festivities as a more total statement about the relations of the rulers to the ruled.

Publicly beating nude or semi-nude adulterous men and women has been traced back to the Germans Tacitus, Germania, eh. Once established, however, this link between racing and Prostitutes Ivrea became so strong as to be linguistically one in Prostitutes Ivrea areas. Aubenas for example discovered that in the different redactions of the statutes of Narbonne, the Latin version used the word for whipping while the vulgar version used the word course Historians from patriarchal societies commonly stop at this Prostitutes Ivrea, since female adultery especially is thought to cast a woman outside the bounds of civilized Prostitutes Ivrea.

Yet the punishments meted out to adulters Prostitutes Ivrea in fact the standard penalties for ribalds and prostitutes, that is, for the infame Rather than being cast out of society, the Ivrean woman paraded by that town's prostitutes, for example, was actually "cast into" marginal social groups by the recognizable set of punishments inflicted on her.

Certainly rich women by paying a fine could often avoid the infamity prescribed by the laws of Languedoc and of Italy, and Aubenas found that this option, written into the laws of the former area, was usually chosen by adultresses But the poor "honest" women forced to supplement their. Poor is poor. Thus some of the social significance of the prostitutes' festive races is found embedded in the punishment of wayward "decent" women.

A further layer of their significance appears in the sexual, as distinct from status, polarities of that same judicial practice.

Repeatedly, the functionary in charge of infame Prostitutes Ivrea like whipping but also public hangings and decapitations was the King of the Ribalds, and the persons who carried them out are called ribalds.

In Toulouse the rex ribaldorum and the borellus or executioner were the same persons, and in Piedmontese Savigliano the factor justiciarum was identical with the prince of the ribalds Prostitutes Ivrea this official's erstwhile military role. At least until in France, he ruled the lowest group in the army, which everywhere included male ribalds, guastatori, and thieves, and female prostitutes.

We have hypothesized that the King of the Ribalds originally ruled the female campfollowers indirectly Prostitutes Ivrea his command over the pimps among the ribalds, punishing both with summary military justice. Finally, while noting that by the fifteenth century, upwardly mobile bureau. As we continue to watch the King of Prostitutes Ivrea Ribalds act as general communal executioner, note now that his daily as distinct from occasional judicial task in scores of Italian and French towns and courts was to supervise the residents of the brothels.

We have seen him making his living from the fines and tariffs he collected from them. In some towns his right to Prostitutes Ivrea corporal punishment to his charges was minimal or nonexistent, but in many other places the prostitutes had to obey him under penalty of his whipping Now the profile of King of the Ribalds appears sharper : captain, policeman, and judge in the field and brothel, he never the less reached across social Prostitutes Ivrea to punish the other males and females.

His threat to good men gone bad, one actualized in his role as public executioner, was only the ancient title itself, for I have been unable to find him supervising urban pimps.

But this general executioner's threat to good women who dared to fall, that is, to women at Prostitutes Ivrea, was quite tangible. Not only did he rule and often punish prostitutes. As in Ivrea, he might lead his charges Prostitutes Ivrea the home of a " decent " Prostitutes Ivrea.

In fencing off the race courses of the marginal groups, civic regimes described the limits of respectability. Even as they were ridiculed, the. The values these races structured are best represented in a sexual space that moved from the field to the center.

Applied Dreams 2.2 Presentation

Ribalds exercised vindictam sive iustitiam, to use the words of an Italian document, against the foreign enemy but also against domestic women Like Bandello's "ribaldi sergenti con bastoni e sferze " beating women prisoners, so the urban pimps "percotevano e flagellavano" prostitutes The King of the Ribalds - perhaps a solid citizen - beat men and women in the field and then in the city forced even those who were said to behave like prostitutes in private to "race through the street with good whippings and good strokes", in the words of a customary of Bordeaux dated Even in the city festival Prostitutes Ivrea after the military model for such Prostitutes Ivrea self-definition had vanished, prostitutes, plebeian ribalds, the Jews and the elderly played the parts of the sexual, class, religious and generational enemies of the adult male Prostitutes Ivrea.

The ritualization of the activities of the marginal groups in society was essential to the identity, that is to Prostitutes Ivrea honor, of the civil res.

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Always honor was created by its opposite, most commonly but not always by insulting men as women. Prostitutes Ivreathe Aretines yelled at the stymied Florentine army that its men " preened themselves as women do, combing their long hair" And just the year before, the Luccans delivered a similar, if more subtle, barb.

Seizing a high tower from the Pis- ans, they did not castrate it, as a less resourceful enemy might have done. Instead they Prostitutes Ivrea within it "several mirrors, Prostitutes Ivrea that the Pisans would reflect themselves in them".

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They would look at themselves as did Prostitutes Ivrea, and see their whole collectivity shamed by a manly, adult, class power. At the beginning of this paper, I insisted that Prostitutes Ivrea gates should mediate not segregate our understanding of the creation of honor through insult. In subsequent pages, I examined two spaces where that creative activity took place, the field Prostitutes Ivrea arms and the civic piazza, and I identified infame or dependent groups within another Prostitutes Ivrea abstract space, that Prostitutes Ivrea the social margins, as those that mediated the Prostitutes Ivrea between the groups of Prostitutes Ivrea political males or regimes.

It is at the town gates that the seeming contradiction of using infame groups to produce Prostitutes Ivrea through representation must be resolved, for it is there that the threat to established borders is most evident. Contemporaries knew the charm and danger of gates from the diplomatic realm. If even friendly powers could dishonor their hosts in the highly dynamic politics of a diplomatic reception among other things, they often insisted on entering with their buffoons and prostitutesit was doubly challenging to bring a foreign enemy, even a defeated one, into the city in such a way that he did not win at the gates what he had lost in the field The problem of re-integrating one's own marginal groups after a successful campaign was the inverse.

Obviously important to domestic life, Italian youth, ribalds, and prostitutes returned in glory to cities that for their diplomatic and domestic honor and power honored age not youth, stability not ribaldic mobility, masculinity Prostitutes Ivrea effeminacy, and most important, governance not whoring merchandizing. To be classed by detractors as citizens of a city that was not even mercantile, but rather meretricious mercatrice, ma che dico, meretrice was perhaps even more insulting than being labelled as a "republic of children", or of workers, or of rustics Presuming that its troops won a "manly" victory, how would then the city "welcome" foreign enemies and the domestic ones who had insulted them in the field?

To present a coherent picture of contemporary practices supplying answers to this question, we shall concentrate on three events : the Sienese victory over Prostitutes Ivrea at MontapertiCastruccio Castracani's return to Lucca after his humiliation of Florence Prostitutes Ivreaand the Florentine army's return from Pisa in Two com.

First, Prostitutes Ivrea city was honored by humiliating the defeated foreign Prostitutes Ivrea more animalium, in the contemporary formulation, and second, these diplomatic rites respected social statuses. The worlds on both sides of the walls prove to be one. The triumph began in the Prostitutes Ivrea, which the army's lower echelons swept for spoils that included Prostitutes Ivrea banners; as we noted earlier, these flags would then be hung upside down on the triumphal wagons for the entry Prisoners would also be important to the triumphal degradation, and a Sienese historian told how one of that city's campfollowers described as a sutler by this "decent" source on coming upon a group of helpless Florentines after Montaperti, tied them together with her headband and then led then back triumphantly to the Sienese camp "like a flock of geese " Prostitutes Ivrea they would be used on the morrow for the Prostitutes Ivrea reentry We meet again the plebeian woman as heroine, treating the enemy like an animal as she did Prostitutes Ivrea she rode him in the insult race.

The entry began, and Prostitutes Ivrea the Sienese government ordered everyone out to see the spectacle According to a Florentine memorialist describing that city's triumph, the Prostitutes Ivrea of such a theatre was Prostitutes Ivrea insure " that everyone great and small could see " the disgrace first at the gates, then in a parade throughout the city Thus the parties to the performance were three : those entering, Prostitutes Ivrea government of the city, and its residents.

Derision being Prostitutes Ivrea essence of the performance, the government clearly intended to show its domestic Prostitutes Ivrea well as foreign enemies what was in store for them if they opposed the regime.

Yet Prostitutes Ivrea the same time, the victors softened the enemy's disgrace with liberality, for a topos of these receptions was that it could have gone worse for the foreigners. Thus a Sienese chronicler reported that in it was only the city's gente da bene who prevented the children from mutilating the Florentine captives as they entered It is a message we have already encountered in the Prostitutes Ivrea races of the field, where the race contained the fury of the ribalds, prostitutes, and youth.

The triumphal entry glossed the regime's or solid citizens' ability to control urban residents. The residents' insatiable desire to honor their home town stimulated their creativity in representing the enemy at the gates. The symbolic animal of the victim was a prime target. Was the Pisan eagle to enter Florence in dead Prostitutes Ivrea hanging upside down, or was it to be only tethered alive to a wagon?

A Florentine historian's report that the Prostitutes Ivrea earnestly debated the point is quite probable, given the fact that augurs at the gates were crucial to military operations These augurs sometimes involved animals, perhaps explaining in part why in their entree human prisoners were calculatedly treated like animals.

Jammed into wagons - more than 40 in - they might have their hands tied behind their backs, but very commonly wore halters on their necks like cattle At this point, the prisoners met the city and grovelled before it, and that sometimes meant worshipping the victors' symbolic animal. A Florentine source describing shows each Pisan prisoner Prostitutes Ivrea Florence's heraldic infant lion at the gate, and kissing its rear while the lion's tail was held up Nor did such theatrical Prostitutes Ivrea of enemies to animals always stop there.

Varying the older practice of selling male and female prisoners as slaves, one that had sometimes involved a race to show who was the healthiest, the victors might force the prisoners' humiliating ransom through a livestock-life auction. In the Sienese did that and Prostitutes Ivrea, linking the whole process of ransom to blood sacrifice by the prisoners, the animal blood then being used in the foundation of a city fountain At this point, we forcefully draw the viewer's attention to the class- specific character of the gate insults, for what may appear to be behaviors used between states were actually ones used only on certain social groups from those communes, just as the insults in the field had Prostitutes Ivrea social actors.

Did the victorious Carrara of Padua not exalt the Veronese whores so as to insult that city's ruling Scaglieri? Precisely this sense of duty caused dismay when one of Charles d'Anjou's scavenging ribalds was found to have thrown the body of Manfred on an ass and gone about hawking it to the highest bidder Prostitutes Ivrea burghers of Italy were no less sensitive. In a Prostitutes Ivrea triumph over Siena inthe victors dragged the flag of Siena along with 48 others through the dirt Prostitutes Ivrea the gates, but they exempted the flag of Siena's imperial ally from that indignity Further, high-status prisoners who did undergo the humiliation of a triumph at least rode mounted into town rather than walking or riding in wagons To be sure, the same honor elite are also found riding into town mounted backwards on an ass; the whole interpretation contemporaries put on such mounted representations, and especially on this charivaresque procedure, is difficult to unravel.

When in the Sien- ese forced two Florentine public officials to enter Siena in this fashion, were they recognizing their social position, or putting them on the despised asses to make their Prostitutes Ivrea all the greater?

Yet in Prostitutes Ivrea the same Prostitutes Ivrea, Giovanni Morelli noted that the very captain of the Pisans, mounted on an ass, went in front "vituperously", and Villani himself characterized the whole event as a dispettoso e vile spettacolo Perhaps Villani objected to the blasphemous play on the triumph of Christ, or to such entries' scatological and sodomitic overtones, but he more probably felt a social unease.

If, then, contemporaries had difficulty melding ridicule with status consciousness at the gates, our reading can be scarcely less tentative : a specific class or status reading of this rite eludes us.

For certainly the ass this captain rode was for baggage, and in the military and domestic theatres of judical insult, the people associated with these animals Prostitutes Ivrea male and female ribalds. Yhe military and triumphal insult may yet prove a missing link in the study of the European charivari Right after the humiliated victims, the heroes entered the city.

Perhaps they carried the Prostitutes Ivrea they might have won in an insult race, but the one event that has left behind descriptions both Prostitutes Ivrea insult races and of the triumph with prisoners that followed does not mention these trophies. These chroniclers had eyes rather for the Prostitutes Ivrea of the victorious captain described at another time as entering the city with the canopy.

We refer to the Luccan triumph of Castruccio Prostitutes Ivrea in after having humiliated the Florentines with races at their gates. In this case we may follow the humiliation from the gates to the church.

Like so many warriors, this triumphans waited so Prostitutes Ivrea to make his humiliation of the enemy that of the civic saint : actually returning to Lucca on November 9, he performed his formal entry two days later, on the feast of the patron, St. At the front of this parade-procession went the captured Florentine war wagon full of captured banners ; alongside that wagon walked the captured Florentine captain Raimondo, holding erect a large votive candle; behind the wagon walked all the other Florentine troops, bearing smaller candles.

More than to the lord of Lucca and that town's citizens, the chronicler Prostitutes Ivrea our attention to the Prostitutes Ivrea as the celebrants of the victory. On reaching the cathedral, the prisoners with votive candles in hand assisted at a thanksgiving mass as Castracani and his subjects watched The Florentines rendered thanks to God for their defeat.

Thus in the triumphal re-entry the city built its honor around the humiliation of the vanquished, to the gratification of the marginal classes of the city as to its more honorable residents.

Sometimes they might even play virile victors, as did the youngsters who came back with the palio or even knightly spurs, as even the Perugian prostitutes did who re-entered that city in Prostitutes Ivrea. Mostly, however, they must Prostitutes Ivrea stood on the sidelines vituperating the incoming prisoners, joyously treating them as if they were male or female ribalds. In either case they treated the foreign enemy as if they had their own essential qualities, while the victorious regime treated that enemy as Prostitutes Ivrea festively treated its marginals.

In such triumphs, these marginals joined the crowd that watched the blood, coins, chains, and flags of the enemy being buried on and in the foundations of the host-city's gates and churches Each year on that city's patronal feast, they watched their civic masters dress up prisoners - either war captives or domestic debt prisoners - in funny clothes and hats and offer them their freedom as a votive to the town patron So crucial Prostitutes Ivrea the role of the marginal groups in society in performing insults on all the enemy, including themselves.

Society's marginal groups saw that even more vividly when armies returned home not in triumph but after humiliating defeats. How was the legitimacy of this sissy regime to be salvaged? How could shiny black humiliation be faced if not by the silence so assiduously cultivated by the chroniclers? The future of the regime and of the city was crushed, and its youth surely slunk in if they had not fallen prisoners to the enemy.

This marginal group had proven themselves women, so one response was to attack women. A Bolognese account of that exists because it describes such redemption shows how that was done 17S. Anticipating a victory celebration, the commune of Bologna had prepared a tournament in which its young men would essentially re-enact the equestrian skills they had demonstrated in the field. Once the terrible news of defeat arrived, however, the event was cancelled, for silence was obviously called for.

Yet Prostitutes Ivrea prostitutes who returned with the humiliated youth could not keep quiet, our source says. Having followed the army coitus causa, they now boasted about how much money they had made during the campaign. This in unsurprising, since as we have noted, prostitutes had no real stock in victory or in their cities of residence Prostitutes Ivrea would move on soon enough. Yet they did not leave Bologna soon enough. The city fathers were anxious that, their sons Prostitutes Ivrea rendered flacid the virile image of Prostitutes Ivrea city, all manner of instability might follow.

The authorities' solution was elegant. Their sons had not been defeated by the Prostitutes Ivrea enemy, they implied, but by the internal enemy, the prostitutes who had accompanied their boys. The prostitutes were led to the ringhiera of the public square, where they were whipped repeatedly on their naked breasts. The flagellator was presumably a ribald. I hope that I have placed this classic case of Prostitutes Ivrea in a structure Prostitutes Ivrea makes the reader ask : why these scapegoats?

In response, it seems to me that the Bolognese humiliation, retrieving Prostitutes Ivrea honor as it. The Bolognese reporter continues, telling how one of the prostitutes died three day's after this judicial festivity, either because of Prostitutes Ivrea whipping, he speculates, "or because she was ashamed to [reveal] her large breasts " Structurally, the chronicler's speculations hardly matter, important as his remark is to our knowledge of contemporary sensibilities.

What is important is that just as regimes revived themselves by humiliating the foreign enemy abroad, so they might maintain themselves inside by the judicial and festive humiliation of their marginals, including those who had honored them outside the city. The Prostitutes Ivrea had served these communes not in victories, Prostitutes Ivrea have emphasized, for contemporary political males viewed victories as gained by one group of governors defeating another.

Rather the mounted prostitutes had humiliated the enemy in sieges Prostitutes Ivrea incursions short Prostitutes Ivrea conquest, and humiliation of the helpless is what men in the city did to footed women or what one class visited on another. In such societies, the warfare between the honorable males of contending cities and regimes was of a piece with the war of the fathers with those dependents who were in, but not of, civil society.

Pomp and Revolution. This paper has had three aims. The first has been to describe a complex of military and civic practices of similar form that expressed values of honor and dishonor in collectively significant contexts. From this description an historical hypothesis emerged : that a vocabulary of insults is found in the field contemporaneously, but perhaps at times even before a similar vocabulary emerged in the city.

The sequel to these origins is however all but hypothetical : the military theatre of insult vanishes Prostitutes Ivrea the sources, and perhaps actually did disappear, while the similar domestic theatre of insult prospered and indeed became more institutionalized in the Renaissance festive theatre of insults against marginal domestic groups.

Finally, a fundamental intellectual insight has hopefully been attained. The condition of honor was insult, and the social practices that created both were grounded in an interrelation between diplomatic and civic structures. A Prostitutes Ivrea aim of this paper was to offer a methodology built on that theory.

In a valuable study of the famous pitture infamanti of this age, Gherardo Ortalli justified limiting his data to those paintings by saying that they were directed Prostitutes Ivrea infaming individuals, whereas other forms Prostitutes Ivrea those who did the infaming Our paper has argued on the contrary not only that insults against individuals when performed by collectivities are against collectivities, but more important, that collective insults create and thus celebrate collective honor.

The intentions of the actors are less certain than the spaces and structures of their actions. What these scholars did not do, however, was place these facts within a theory that accounts for the insults such "purified" states practice on their subjects as a conditions of their own honor. They thereby imply that honor is possible without insult and without competition, and that the state, in short, is outside the game. The final aim of this paper has been to cut through just that fundamental presumption of collective performance in order to prepare the ground for a subsequent study of Prostitutes Ivrea, the most fearful insult.

In my view insult must be as important to a theory of tragedy as it is to one of comedy, Prostitutes Ivrea as central to the historian's explanation of the performances of sovereigns as Prostitutes Ivrea is to studying so-called Prostitutes Ivrea culture.

The present paper watched the sovereigns constructing honor through deconstructing. The study of what the Italians called correre la terra still lies ahead. It must be done by dismissing the lie that authority can be honorable without dishonor. Like many of his kind, Filippo Villani bemoaned the formal insults that great powers like Pisa and Florence used against each other : " This is the way the sage communes of Florence and Pisa spent millions of florins", Villani scorned, "often repeating these villanies" He went so far in another context Prostitutes Ivrea to blame the Pistoians' Prostitutes Ivrea feebleness " on just such behavior : they had " too much desire to hang asses and make jokes and insults" Filippo's grandfather Giovanni, on the other hand, saw vengeance as un-C.

Narrating the return of the victorious Genoans after their victory over the Pisans inhe told how the victors brought back 40 Pisan galleys and entered Genoa Prostitutes Ivrea prisoners, but were otherwise restrained in their triumph.

They Prostitutes Ivrea " without any other pomp", he said, "except to say masses and hold processions rendering thanks to God. For this", he concludes, "they were much commended" What neither chronicler did - and this is what distinguishes them from modern critics of this theatre of insult — was to dismiss these acts as "vain and puerile demonstrations" Indeed the Villanis are some of the best sources for such behavior.

Thus the three generations of the Villani. Prostitutes Ivrea humanistic successors Prostitutes Ivrea have us think that dishonorable behavior, and the necessary social outcasts to perform them, did not exist in the Prostitutes Ivrea city. State University of Richard C. Villani, bk. XI, eh. Recent works on medieval military forms are M. Allmand ed.

A study of insult forms in a colonial political system is R. Trexler, We Think. They Act. Kaplan The Hague,p. Malispini attrib. Villani, where the Florentines feared " entrassono i nemici e corressono la terra"; XI, XXX, part 1, rub. Note that a German word for siege is Prostitutes Ivrea. The following usage of " insultus " is particularly appropriate, referring as it does to play : besieging Faenza e.

See further C. Du Cange, Glossarium ad scriptores mediae et infimae latinitatis, 10 vols. Thomas More unmistakably uses insultus to refer to a personal affront ; Oxford English Dictionary, V, Oxford,"insult".

The Veronese family of the Ribaldi's most famous member was an official of Cangrande; A. Earlier ideas on the word's origins are in L. Pichon, Le Roy des Ribands, Paris,p. A ribald is a knave in the earliest usage of the word I found in the dictionaries; J. Niermeyer, Mediae latinitatis lexicon minus, Leiden, This also seems. The most recent work on the King is by A. A Carolingian capitulary captures Prostitutes Ivrea type perfectly without referring to ribalds : " mangones et conciones et nudi homines qui cum ferro vadant.

Non sinantur vagari et deceptiones hominibus agere " ; P. Lacroix al. On "ragazzi quasi Prostitutes Ivrea at war, see Muratori, Antiquitates, II, c. Ribalds were under their own flag in mid-thirteenth-century Florence ; R. See also Pichon, Roy, p. The ribald's reputation for personal and collective insults Prostitutes Ivrea only slightly after the earliest military references to him ; see esp.

The ribalds are often those said to drop their pants Prostitutes Ivrea the enemy, yell obscenely, etc. Tommaseo, Dizionario della lingua Prostitutes Ivrea, V, Turin,"ribaldo ", cites the equation from the writings of the mid-fourteenth-century Dominican Domenico Cavalca. Villani, VI, 40; C.

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Thomas More unmistakably uses insultus to refer to a personal affront ; Oxford English Dictionary, V, Oxford, , "insult". But a proper history of such races remains to be written, and students even of the period I have surveyed will certainly find much more evidence.