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The electronic and m dpa - Wiltrud pulls a face to get a reaction from the face robot Mark II during a press conference at the computer museum in Paderborn, Germany, 30 October Several of them formed the intent to commit murder after witnessing a public execution. Baumgartner,

Of these, eighty-eight seventy-nine percent were committed by Lutherans, twenty-three twenty-one percent by Catholics. Diez, Der Selbstmord. Diez cites cases from the Gazette des Tribunaux No. Berlin: Friedrich Vieweg, —vol.

A study of suicide in early modern Geneva does not mention the phenomenon. Watt, Choosing Death. Instead of prosecuting them, the authorities had them hospitalized as melancholics.

For the Netherlands, the Prostitutes Lauf an der Pegnitz of suicide in general remains to be studied. Watt, 8— Many of the cases under consideration here were drawn from published collections of medical consilia, i.

Such collections, as Maren Lorenz has shown, were mainly published in large Protestant territorial states such as Prussia or Saxony, where the Enlighten- ment and process of medicalization took hold earlier than in the Catholic south.

"Suicide by Proxy: The Unintended Consequences of Public Executions in Eighteenth-Century Germany."

Suicide by proxy was frequent enough in Austrian lands to occasion the publication of an edict specifically directed against this offense. The edict of indicates that such murders must have occurred earlier in Catholic Austria, but Prostitutes Lauf an der Pegnitz first recorded Catholic case that I am aware of happened in lower Austria in the village of Rodaun just southwest of Vienna inwhen a twenty-seven-year-old woman, on the road in search of employment, sought shelter in a barn where she cut the throat of a twenty-week-old baby, the son of a fellow vagrant woman who had also taken refuge there.

Did Catholics begin to imitate the practice of suicide by proxy only once it had become an archival research in criminal trial records relating to homicide and infanticide would uncover cases of suicide by proxy in Reformed areas.

What accounts for the invisibility of Catholic cases? The question of religious confession bedevils the study Prostitutes Lauf an der Pegnitz suicide in general.

In this hazardous stage believers were particularly vulnerable to demonic tempta- tion and might fall victim to religious melancholy. This understanding of the sal- vation process led Lutheran theologians to expect and to be more accepting of suicidal tribulations among their flock. Catholics, conversely, saw the supposed high incidence of suicide among Protestants as confirmation of the impoverish- ment and error of the Lutheran religion, gleefully declaring that when Lutheran reformers jettisoned the sacraments and traditional religious practices, they left their believers defenseless in the face of the devil.

Arne Jansson, as we have seen, draws on Durkheim to explain Prostitutes Lauf an der Pegnitz rise in suicide rates in Stockholm around Protestant individualism was one factor, Jansson argues, that contributed to declining levels of social integration and a resulting rise in the number of suicides, as well as suicidal murders in Stockholm around It was precisely the strict social control exercised by the Calvinist church and its severe condemnation of suicide that had held self-killings in check in the earlier period.

Secularization lifted the taboo. We can say, however, Prostitutes Lauf an der Pegnitz on the level of popular practice and ritual, Catholic and Protestant cases appear indistinguishable. Regardless of confession, the actors availed themselves of the same cultural repertoire as they performed the killings. Among both Catholics and Protestants, women made up the majority of per- petrators of suicide by proxy.

The gender of the perpetrator is known Prostitutes Lauf an der Pegnitz of the total cases. Of these murders, sixty-five fifty-seven percent were committed by women, forty-nine forty-three percent by men.

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Differentiating by confession, among eighty-eight Protestant murderers, fifty-one fifty-eight percent of the perpe- trators were women, thirty-seven forty-two percent Prostitutes Lauf an der Pegnitz men. Among the Catholic perpetrators, fourteen sixty-one percent were women, nine thirty- nine percent were men.

The predominance of female killers becomes more Prostitutes Lauf an der Pegnitz if we include only archival or serial sources, such as criminal interrogation records or death sentence announcements, documents that are more likely to reflect practice than sources involving more editorial selection by the authors, such as published collections of consilia or journal articles.

Of the thirty-seven murders recorded in these kinds of sources, thirty-one eighty-three percent were committed by women and six sixteen percent by men. One explanation for the contrasting gender profile in these two bodies of source materials, the archival record vs. Classic infanticide, understood as a female crime, was widely discussed in the eighteenth-century press, and so authors and publishers might have chosen to focus on the rarer and therefore more remarkable male child murderers.

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Of the nine people executed for 84 Watt, Choosing Death, — Jansson observed the same pattern in Stockholm: among sixty-five proxy killers, fifty-three were women. Two thirds of recorded suicides in Schleswig and Holstein in the seven- teenth and eighteenth centuries were male. In Augsburg the most frequent method of infanticide con- sisted of giving birth into the privy, in which case the infanticidal mother would never touch her infant.

Classic infanticide almost never involved the shedding of blood. These women understood violence as the application of force, the use of instruments or other objects, or in their words: to actively lay a hand on [the child] Handanlegen. Female suicides in Schleswig and Holstein almost Prostitutes Lauf an der Pegnitz used weapons.

Whereas fifteen percent of men committed suicide by cutting their own Prostitutes Lauf an der Pegnitz, women rarely did so. Half of all female suicides chose drowning, a passive form of death that left the body physically intact. Eighteen perpetrators blud- geoned their victims to death, a method preferred by eleven Prostitutes Lauf an der Pegnitz men, four Protestant women, one Catholic woman, and two Catholic men.

Ten cases involved drowning seven Protestant women, one Protestant man, and two Catholic women. This was followed by stabbing in nine cases eight Protestant men, one Protestant womanstrangling or suffocation in four cases three Protes- tant women, one Catholic womanshooting three Protestant men, and one man of unknown confessionpoisoning one Protestant and one Catholic womanand throwing the child in the privy one Protestant and one Catholic woman.

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Some methods appealed more to one sex than the other—no woman chose fire- arms, no man chose suffocation—but cutting the throat was clearly the favored method for all perpetrators, regardless of gender or confession. The autopsy of a nine-year-old girl murdered by a maid servant in Nurem- berg in gives an idea of the extraordinary violence employed in these kill- ings. These killings were characterized by a high level of premeditation and preparation.

People who committed such murders often planned for days or weeks, scoping Prostitutes Lauf an der Pegnitz suitable victims. They used ruse to gain access to their victims. In Margaretha N. Margaretha N. The instrumental aspect of the killings is also clear. In a majority of cases the killers achieved their stated goal of orchestrating their own execution. But these killings were as expressive and ritualistic as they were instrumental. Just like the mythical killings of the blood libel, the killings associated with suicide by proxy unfolded according to a particular liturgy of violence.

In the myth of Jewish ritual murder, groups of Jewish men were believed to murder male Christian children as a form of religious sacrifice. Women might be involved on the periphery. In suicides by proxy, individual Christians acting alone, predominantly women, murdered Christian children of both sexes.

They also sometimes killed adults, often in institutional settings—houses of cor- rection, hospitals, military barracks—where they might have been constrained in their choice of victims. But even here they preferred victims whom they per- ceived as somehow childlike—the deaf, dumb, and simple-minded.

She lured the girl, who presumably was being cared for in the Prostitutes Lauf an der Pegnitz, into her cell and cut her throat. She had previously considered killing another deaf girl, but worried that Prostitutes Lauf an der Pegnitz was too tall to overpower, so she settled on an easier victim. The woman agreed, lay down on a bench, and allowed Ewa to cut her throat.

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Of the eighty-nine victims whose age and sex are known, thirty-nine were girls forty-four percentthirty-one thirty-five percent were boys, eleven twelve percent were women, and eight nine percent were men. In cases of suicide by proxy the perpetrators predominantly chose to kill children or adults of their own sex.

Of the victims of female killers the age and sex of forty-eight of the victims is Prostitutes Lauf an der Pegnitz. Women killed twenty-seven girls fifty-six percentfifteen boys thirty-one percentand six adult women thirteen percent. Moritz, vol. The age and sex of forty-one of the victims killed by men is known. Men killed sixteen boys thirty-nine percentProstitutes Lauf an der Pegnitz girls twenty-nine percenteight men twenty percentand five women twelve percent.

This gendered pattern becomes more pronounced when chil- dren murdered by their own parents are not counted. Prostitutes Lauf an der Pegnitz killed twenty-one girls seventy-two percent and eight boys twenty-eight percent who were not related to them. Men killed eleven boys eighty-five percent and two girls fifteen percent who were not related to them. Perpetrators of suicide by proxy who killed children unrelated to them preferred to kill children of their own sex. This raises the question of the nature of the relationship between victim and killer.

Could it be that women chose to kill girls, and men chose to kill boys, because they achieved a greater level of identification with a child victim of their own sex, and in killing this child they were also in some sense killing themselves?

Some killers clearly identified with their victims. In the days leading up to C. And since she [i. As in the child killings associated with the blood libel, the child-victims of suicide by proxy were constructed as martyrs. A closer look at the interactions between victim and killer will illustrate the ritualistic and sacrificial nature of these kill- ings. This essay began with a description of the extraordinary scene in of Agnes Schickin affectionately delousing the boy whose throat she would cut a short time later.

This type of affectionate exchange between killer and victim was typical of these murders. She dropped by her neighbor, who was a shoemaker, to borrow some wire to repair her shoes. As she was waiting for him Prostitutes Lauf an der Pegnitz cut the wire, she picked up the toddler, kissed and hugged her, and then took the girl home with her for a visit.

The age and sex of forty-one of the victims killed by men is known.

Mayrin, in turn, gave the mother some bread, and persuaded her to let the girl stay longer. After she had plied the mother with beer and had gained access to Prostitutes Lauf an der Pegnitz victim, the prostitute Margaretha N.

By accepting special food, the condemned expressed that they were at peace with the judges and agreed to play their scripted role during their upcoming execution. The testi- mony of murder witnesses served a similar function, Gaskill suggests.

Witnesses testified that murder victims had behaved well in their last moments, that they had died a good death. Mohr Paul Siebeck]. In Maria Anna Mayrin from Augsburg described her murder of a three- year-old girl. The child answered yes. With such sighs she received the blow of the sword. When Jeremias Bertz, an Augsburg bag-maker, cut the throat of his eighteen-week-old-baby Peinliches Urtheil. Forgerin lured a nine-year-old girl to the attic where she cut her throat.

See what Satan can do, and it was not in vain, I obeyed him immediately, and did right away What I now lament and repent, With the plea, that GOD may forgive my grave sin.

Baumgartner, On the Arma Christi, see Mitchell B. No fewer than three engrav- ings portraying the murder were published, and the deed inspired several ballads. The salvation of the child is certain, while the salvation of the mother is in abeyance. A cautionary verse beneath the image warns that repentance often comes too late, but the clergymen who accompanied her to her execution stand with her on the scaffold gesturing toward Prostitutes Lauf an der Pegnitz.

Several ballads attested to her heartfelt repentance. Another parallel between suicides by proxy and public execution was of course the forms of death of victims and perpetrators and the blood symbolism they shared. As we have seen, most victims had their throat cut, and all perpe- trators who were executed died by beheading. Engraving commemorating the murder of fourteen-week-old Maria Magdalena Prostitutes Lauf an der Pegnitz by her fater in Augsburg, Several of them formed the intent to commit murder after witnessing a public execution.

Marty The free imperial city of Nuremberg was the first to react with legislation. In the city government issued an edict that Prostitutes Lauf an der Pegnitz lamented the rising number of cases of classic infanticide and threatened infanticidal mothers Prostitutes Lauf an der Pegnitz execution by drowning or even being impaled alive. It then addressed. Such murderers would not suffer a quick death by beheading. The penalties of drowning and impaling alive were traditional death penalties for women that had fallen into disuse in the sixteenth century.

Faced with what they perceived of as a rising tide of infanticide, the Nuremberg city government decided to reintroduce these archaic forms of execution. Nuremberg put this edict into practice by sentencing perpetra- tors of suicide by proxy to having their right hand amputated prior to beheading. Head, hand, and body were to be exposed on the wheel or buried in a shallow grave beneath the gallows. Clearly these edicts did not have the desired effect.

Cases of suicide by proxy continued to occur in Nuremberg and Austria after and The threat of exacerbated penalties might even have been counterproductive for these offenders. Perpetra- tors of suicide by proxy frequently expressed fantasies of bodily destruction. Agnes Catherina Schickin, whose murder of a seven-year-old boy was discussed above, prior to the killing had expressed the desire to be boiled Prostitutes Lauf an der Pegnitz oil or ripped apart by claws.

In Schleswig and Holstein published an edict. At the same time, however, the law took the quite radical step of decoupling murder and capital punishment, thus abandoning the Old Testament demand of blood for blood in murder cases. Cases Prostitutes Lauf an der Pegnitz suicide by proxy con- tinued to occur in Prostitutes Lauf an der Pegnitz and Holstein throughout the eighteenth century and well into the nineteenth. Paragraph and of the Allgemeines Landrecht ordered that If it is established that someone who is otherwise of sound mind commits a murder.

Instead he should be imprisoned for life in the narrowest confinement under close supervision and be whipped in public at regular intervals. Cases continued to occur in Prussia at least until Did the legislation remain a dead letter, or was it inconsistently applied? Next page. Recent searches:. Create a new lightbox Save.

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